Abstract: The South Caucasus, a region shaped by a history of imperial domination and contemporary geopolitical tensions, is facing significant environmental justice challenges due to neocolonial exploitation. Research on environmental issues in this region frequently disregards the presence of neocolonial dynamics, which significantly contribute to the ecological degradation of natural resource-rich lands and the marginalization of local communities. The paper argues that, despite the formal end of colonial rule, neocolonial practices remain influential through foreign economic influence, resource extraction, and geopolitical interventions, all of which aggravate environmental and societal injustices in the South Caucasus. It provides an in-depth analysis of specific cases of natural resource exploitation and unsustainable agricultural practices in the region, examined through the lens of decolonial theory. The paper reveals how neocolonial dynamics persist as foreign powers maintain control primarily through economic and energy dependence, leading to environmental harm and inequality, particularly for marginalized communities reliant on natural resources for their livelihoods. Finally, it proposes a decolonial response as a vital solution to empower local communities, promote sustainable development, and reconstruct environmental governance in order to challenge historical and ongoing colonial structures that perpetuate environmental injustice in the South Caucasus..
Keywords: South Caucasus, environmental justice, neocolonial exploitation, decolonial response, critical decolonial theory
Introduction
In the South Caucasus, environmental justice struggles, tied to colonial legacies and contemporary exploitation, emerge as one of the powerful decolonial responses to neocolonial dominance. The region, consisting of three independent states - Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia - is geopolitically important as it lies at the crossroads of Eastern Europe and Western Asia. Historically, due to its pivotal location, the South Caucasus has been an attractive place for empires, such as Persian, Ottoman, and Russian, that relentlessly executed their dominion over the region and its populations (Lekiashvili 2024). During the Soviet period, the South Caucasus was governed through a colonial-like system, along with other parts of the Soviet Union (Ackermann, et al. 2024). Nowadays, it is an area of political and economic competition among powerful external players driven by their interests (Saleh, et al. 2020). Although the region is independent politically, it remains a spot of foreign exploitation, a product of colonial and imperial histories, while its environment continues to suffer.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the South Caucasus has undergone a turbulent post-Soviet transition, marked at once by regained political sovereignty and independence, as well as by internal turmoil and conflicts. The political situation in the region remains unbalanced, with territorial disputes, ethnic tensions, and the exploitation of natural resources. All of this is complicated by high levels of environmental degradation, often caused by foreign interventions prioritizing natural resource extraction for their own economic interests, with little regard for local populations, who consequently face considerable environmental injustice (Faleiro 2012).
The concept of environmental justice, relevant to a deeper understanding of the neocolonial-ecological degradation nexus, implies the fair distribution of environmental benefits and burdens, especially concerning marginalized communities that bear the most negative effects of environmental harm (Bullard, et al. 2018). In the case of the South Caucasus, this concept is particularly important due to the region’s history of political and economic marginalization, which has contributed to persistent environmental inequalities. Communities in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia have long been subjected to the environmental repercussions of both Soviet-era industrial policies and modern neoliberal development.
The ongoing process of neocolonial exploitation is heightening environmental injustices. Kwame Nkrumah defines neocolonialism as the domination and exploitation by external powers through indirect and subtle means, often disguised as development or globalization, typically without accountability or the pressure to justify such control (Nkrumah 1965). In the South Caucasus, this less visible form of modern-day exploitation takes the form of the imposition of environmentally harmful industries, such as oil and gas production in Azerbaijan, mining activities in Georgia and Armenia, and unsustainable agricultural practices across the region, all of which seek much-needed solutions for the sake of restoring local communities' health.
A "decolonial response" offers a viable solution to deconstruct these enduring colonial power structures. The decolonial theoretical framework advocates for epistemological “disobedience” or “de-linking” (Mignolo 2009) and for “the material struggle of the last becoming the first” (Bah 2022) in the process of eradicating systems that sustain political and socio-economic inequities. For the South Caucasus, decolonial thinking is essential to understanding how neo imperial forces continue to shape the region’s environmental realities and disparities.
This paper argues that the South Caucasus's environmental crises are not the result of natural or incidental factors alone, but are also deeply intertwined with historical and ongoing forms of neocolonial exploitation. A decolonial understanding of environmental justice that addresses ecological and social injustices is needed for the region’s empowerment and restoration of local ecosystems. In this context, the paper offers pathways toward a sustainable future that empowers local communities and challenges the power structures that maintain environmental and socio-economic imbalances. Beyond acknowledging and understanding how neocolonial practices affect the region’s ecological landscape, the decolonial response calls for action toward developing communities in more equal and respectful ways.
A Brief Historical and Contemporary Context: Colonial and Neocolonial Exploitation in the South Caucasus
The South Caucasus has historically been a region of strong geopolitical rivalry between major powers. It experienced significant colonial influence, primarily under the Russian Empire and later the Soviet Union. In the early 19th century, the Russian Empire incorporated the region into its imperial structure following a series of wars with Persia and the Ottoman Empire. This colonial control disrupted the native political and social systems, replacing them with Russian governance and exploiting the region’s resources for the Empire's sake (Afary and Afary 2023).
Although the Soviet era is not considered “colonial” in the traditional sense, there is an increasing number of studies and authors suggesting otherwise. Some scholars argue that the Soviet Union practiced “internal” colonialism through political, economic, and cultural dominance concentrated in Moscow while displaying a facade of a voluntary union consisting of Eastern European, Caucasus, Central Asian, and Baltic countries (Ackermann, et al. 2024);(Etkind 2015); (Loring 2014). Soviet policies prioritized resource extraction over the well-being of the people, mainly intending to outperform “Western opponents”. This resulted in changing and sacrificing the natural environment to satisfy state interests (Ackermann, et al. 2024).
The Soviet Union sought to modernize and industrialize the South Caucasus while intensifying resource extraction, such as oil, minerals, and agricultural products. The environmental impact of Soviet-era industrialization is still evident today, with uncontrolled stocks of obsolete pesticides, other toxic waste sites, and pollution in former industrial zones (Josephson 2007). For instance, the industrialization of Sumgait, a coastal city in Azerbaijan, which began in the 1960s, had a devastating ecological impact. This city, once a center of chemical and machinery industries became a polluted wasteland after decades of industrial activity. Extensive exploration and production of oil and gas, and the irresponsible disposal of industrial waste into the Caspian Sea have severely polluted the waters and devastated the region's marine life (Cornell, et al. 2002). Moreover, many mining cities in the South Caucasus, despite their privileged position during the Soviet era, suffered severe ecological consequences (Sgibnev and Turaeva 2023).
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the South Caucasus gained nominal independence, however, the region remains entangled in neocolonial relations. Neocolonialism in the South Caucasus has various forms, ranging from political influence to economic dependence and the exploitation of natural resources by external powers. Foreign multinational corporations, particularly those involved in extracting fossil fuel resources, are key beneficiaries of these activities. Companies like British Petroleum (BP), engaged in oil production in Azerbaijan over the past several decades, have been accused of profiting at the expense of leaving a drastically damaged local ecosystem. These corporations often operate on a profit-maximization basis without substantial accountability for the ecological consequences their activities impose on the local landscapes (Marriott and Muttitt 2006).
Powerful political actors, such as Russia, the European Union (EU), Turkey, and the US, continue to play an influential role in the South Caucasus. Russia remains a central regional power, exerting its political and economic influence through energy pipelines, military alliances, foreign investments, and interference in conflicts in the region, particularly in places like Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the Russo-Ukrainian war and the increasing influence of other regional powers, such as Turkey, Iran, and even China, have appeared to diminish Russia's foothold in the South Caucasus, the Kremlin has only recalibrated its policy. It has become more willing to collaborate with other regional powers to advance its goal, that is, to establish southern routes to access markets and build political and security ties across Eurasia (Melvin 2024).
Turkey and the EU also play relevant roles. While Turkey has sought to expand its influence in the South Caucasus through both economic investments and political alignment with Azerbaijan, the EU has promoted its own economic and geopolitical interests, often framing its involvement as promoting democracy and stability. However, this has been critiqued as a form of neoimperialism, where external powers shape the region’s political dynamics to align with their own strategic interests, rather than supporting genuine autonomy and sustainable development (Escobar 2004). The EU is increasingly interested in the region`s energy exports, particularly since the onset of the Russo-Ukrainian war, which has pressured energy-producing and transporting countries, such as Azerbaijan and Georgia, to accommodate rising energy demands, further exacerbating local ecological issues (Zabanova 2024).
The US’s involvement in the South Caucasus can be perceived as neocolonial, given its strategically tailored support in the region that primarily concerns American interests. This support is mostly concentrated on promoting and supporting regional energy projects, such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan oil pipeline, the Baku–Tbilisi–Erzurum gas pipeline, and the Southern Gas Corridor, which serve to circumvent Russia and Iran and reduce their influence in South Caucasian countries (Poghosyan and DerSimonian 2024). As a global power, the US is interested in maintaining a presence in the region due to its strategically important geographic position. However, it is also aware that balancing its actions carefully with those of other powerful states, particularly Russia, might be a more effective foreign strategy in the South Caucasus.
Despite the end of formal colonial rule, foreign powers still impose their influence and control in the South Caucasus. Such geopolitical dynamics permeated with neocolonial elements also worsen environmental problems in the region, where local populations continue to suffer the consequences of unaccountable, self-interest-driven practices that further obstruct the achievement of genuine self-determination and sustainability in South Caucasian countries.
Environmental Injustice in the South Caucasus
Environmental injustice refers to the disproportionate exposure of marginalized communities to environmental hazards, often due to historical, political, and economic inequalities (Maantay 2002). In the context of neocolonialism and colonialism, this injustice is intricately linked to exploitation, control over land and resources, and unequal power dynamics that have had lasting impacts on native populations and formerly colonized nations (Sultana 2022). The South Caucasus has experienced significant ecological degradation driven by extractive industries and unsustainable practices, deepening environmental injustice and inequality. The connection between neocolonialism and environmental injustice in the region is further explored through the analysis of selected case studies.
The Case of Oil and Gas Extraction in Azerbaijan
The most striking and revealing case of neocolonial environmental degradation in the South Caucasus can be traced to the extensive oil and gas extraction processes in Azerbaijan. Although the country's considerable reserves of oil and gas provide significant geopolitical leverage and economic wealth, the outcomes of such a lucrative industry often leave local communities to endure the majority of the environmental costs. Oil and gas still account for more than 90% of Azerbaijan’s exports. At the same time, local and foreign governments, as well as international companies, have continued to invest substantially in the energy sector (IEA 2023). For instance, the United Kingdom is the leading source of foreign direct investment in the country, accounting for 27% of total FDI, while BP plays a key role, with the UK’s interests in Azerbaijan centered mainly around the oil and gas industry (Crude Accountability 2022).
The exploitation of oil and natural gas in Azerbaijan, particularly around the Caspian Sea, has been a central component of the region's colonial history. Under Soviet rule, Azerbaijan’s oil resources were extracted extensively, often at the expense of local communities. Even after independence, multinational corporations and the government have continued to extract resources with limited benefits for local populations, many of whom live in environmentally degraded areas. The Caspian Sea, a vital ecosystem for local communities and biodiversity, is particularly vulnerable to the negative effects of oil drilling and spillages (Neafie, Albakassova and Bayramov 2024). Communities living near oil extraction sites face increased rates of respiratory illnesses, skin diseases, and cancers, exacerbated by the constant exposure to toxic pollutants (Tizard 2024). For instance, residents near the Sangachal Terminal have reported respiratory issues and similar illnesses, particularly affecting their children and animals, and the negative impact of nearby fossil fuel production on their farmlands. However, BP has stated that there are no major negative effects on air quality in this area (Crude Accountability 2022).
Azerbaijan`s oil boom has had a rather unbalanced outcome. The expansion of the fossil fuel industry not only intensified rural-to-urban migration but also affected agricultural production and rural development. Agriculture’s share of GDP has shrunk from 32 percent in 1994 to under 5 percent in 2022. Rural populations across the country have been experiencing higher levels of poverty, stagnant wages, and unemployment (LaPorte 2024). While major international financial institutions, such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Asian Development Bank, and the International Finance Corporation, are substantially invested in Azerbaijan’s fossil fuel projects and consequently push the country into further expanding od its oil and gas industry, many local communities remain marginalized and powerless (Crude Accountability 2022).
Undoubtedly, the oil and gas industry generates significant revenue for the state, but it also attracts foreign companies and countries seeking to extract valuable energy resources and profits for themselves. This often results in environmental degradation, including pollution, habitat destruction, and the depletion of natural resources. In the long term, such uncontrolled and uncountable actions can lead to a less sustainable environment that jeopardizes public health. This raises the question of whether such environmentally degrading practices, reinforced by a neocolonial framework, are still beneficial for Azerbaijan and its citizens.
Mining practices in Armenia and Georgia
Mining practices in Armenia and Georgia, viewed through neocolonial lenses and environmental injustice, reveal complex issues involving exploitation, economic dependence, and distress to local communities and ecosystems. Both countries have rich mineral resources, but their mining industries often operate in ways that disproportionately benefit foreign investors while causing long-term damage to their environments and people. During the Soviet period, mining industries in Armenia and Georgia experienced significant development and modernization. However, like in other regions, these industries were highly exploited under centralized power structures, without much consideration for the environment and local well-being (Ackermann, et al. 2024).
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both countries struggled to maintain the level and quality of mining production from Soviet times. Foreign investors, often from Russia, Canada, and European Union countries, seized this opportunity and began to control significant portions of Armenia and Georgia’s mining industries. For instance, in Armenia, the Russian-owned Zangezur Copper Molybdenum Combine (ZCMC) operates some of the largest mining projects, which is problematic in terms of national sovereignty and control, especially given that the mining industry accounts for over 30% of the country’s total exports. At the same time, the company remains its biggest taxpayer (Avetisyan 2023).
In Georgia, foreign-controlled companies dominate the extraction of metals like manganese and gold. Similar to Armenia, companies linked to certain Russian oligarchs control significant portions of operations in most of the country’s gold mines (Aghalaryan 2019). In practice, the real owners and profiteers of most mines are foreign companies, primarily Russian, which continue to exploit valuable minerals with the approval of both countries' governments, without much concern for the environmental issues that mining activities create.
Mining operations have caused extensive environmental degradation, including water contamination and the poisoning of ecosystems. In Armenia, copper and molybdenum extraction has led to toxic waste runoff into rivers, damaging agriculture and local water supplies, and causing air pollution, deforestation, and biodiversity loss. These issues have had a devastating effect on human health in the areas surrounding the mines (Vardanyan 2020). Similarly, in Georgia, irresponsible, profit-driven mining operations have caused irreparable damage to the environment, polluting the air, water, and soil in the country’s southern regions, where local activists have raised their voices against mining practices conducted by companies that emphasize “development” over environmental protection (Soboliev 2017).
The mining industry, which is heavily dependent on foreign investment and export-oriented, reflects colonial-style exploitation of natural resources, where local populations are denied the wealth produced by their own land. Such an economic structure deprives local governments and citizens of power in decision-making, especially regarding environmental policies, and prevents the exploited countries from obtaining a self-sustaining economy.
Unsustainable Agricultural Practices
During the Soviet period, agricultural policies in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia were largely dictated by Moscow, focusing on rapid intensification of land output, consequently leading to agricultural involution and ecological unsustainability (Smith 2014). Such practices, while aiming to maximize yield, led to the depletion of soil fertility and the contamination of water resources. However, even post-Soviet economic arrangements continue to be exploitative in the South Caucasus. Many multinational corporations and international financial institutions push for agricultural strategies prioritizing export-oriented cash crops, and large-scale farmlands, over traditional, diversified farming systems, which further harms the environment and maintains neocolonial exploitation (Ragnhild and Baudouin 2023).
For instance, Azerbaijan's cotton farming and Georgia's grape vineyards and hazelnut production are mainly export-oriented industries that have attracted foreign investors but also caused many ecological issues. Intensified agricultural production, driven by a global capitalistic emphasis on high output levels in these industries, has led to deforestation, soil degradation, water pollution, and marginalization of small-scale farmers in the region.
Azerbaijan's cotton industry, once a major export during the Soviet era, has faced continuous decline since the collapse of the Soviet Union, but efforts to revive it since the 2014 energy crisis have exacerbated environmental and social problems. Expanding cotton farming has led to land loss for animal breeding, health risks from pesticide use, and ecological challenges due to irrigation issues, yet global demand continues to drive investment in the sector (Geybullayeva 2018).
Georgia's grape and hazelnut industries have grown rapidly due to rising global demand for products such as wine and sweets. Foreign investors, mainly from Russia, Israel, France, and Italy, have acquired large land areas for grape and hazelnut cultivation, driving agricultural intensification that harms local soil, water, and biodiversity. For instance, in 2017, Italian company Ferrero owned 3,500 hectares in Western Georgia for hazelnut production. Despite a land purchase ban for foreigners in 2017, authorities have privately assured major investors of exemptions (Lomsadze 2017).
In the context of environmental injustice, the region’s agricultural policies are exploitative and unsustainable, especially harmful to local communities and small-scale farmers who suffer the most from the repercussions of global economic models that prioritize profit and exploitation for large, external investors. Moreover, the limited capacity of these nations to resist or challenge such practices maintains the cycle of environmental and social inequality.
A Decolonial Response to Environmental Injustice
The decolonial theory argues that colonialism’s legacy persists in environmental governance, suppressing and marginalizing the voices and rights of local communities in favor of global economic interests (Mignolo 2009). Furthermore, decolonial thought in environmental justice highlights the integration and respect of traditional knowledge, spirituality, identities, and diverse forms of resistance in addressing environmental issues, within a specific place, to foster societal transformation (Roy and Hanaček 2023). In the South Caucasus countries, a decolonial response could involve reclaiming local knowledge and practices, thereby strengthening political and economic sovereignty, while fostering international solidarity and knowledge-sharing that recognizes and avoids neocolonial dynamics.
One strategy to enhance sovereignty is to strengthen environmental regulations within each South Caucasian state. This primarily requires the enlightenment of governments through creating and enforcing policies that prioritize sustainable resource management, protect ecosystems, and limit foreign exploitation of natural resources. While some eco-friendly projects, such as the opening of Azerbaijan's Garadagh Solar Power Plant in 2023, have gained attention, they remain limited in scope and still rely on foreign investment (O'Byrne 2023). The environmental degradation in the region, due to oil extraction and unjust mining practices in Armenia and Georgia, highlights the need for more proactive measures. A more systematic approach, such as a decolonial strategy calling for stricter regulations to prevent ecological damage and ensure that resource extraction benefits local communities rather than multinational corporations, would likely generate greater results and reduce foreign interference.
Decentralizing decision-making processes to include local actors who are familiar with their environments firsthand can lead to more sustainable, community-based solutions. Creating functional local environmental councils and committees that include local representatives can help ensure that policies include the knowledge and priorities of the communities directly impacted by environmental change (UNFCC 2018). Moreover, such policies can concurrently boost economic sovereignty and reduce foreign interference. However, if the extractive industries remain stubborn to these changes, promoting alternative economic models that emphasize sustainability, such as ecotourism or sustainable agriculture, can be a first step toward achieving greater economic sovereignty.
In the context of revitalizing rich, native knowledge systems and international knowledge-sharing practices in the South Caucasus, such as traditional water management techniques and agroecological practices, can offer valuable responses to exploitative and neocolonial dynamics. For instance, traditional irrigation methods, known as qanats, originated in ancient Iran and spread to other countries and regions, have been used for centuries to manage water resources in arid areas (Easton 2021). This water system, designed to transport water from an aquifer or well to the surface through an underground aqueduct, reducing the need for energy-intensive pumping technologies, has been present in certain parts of Armenia and Azerbaijan to the present day (Clean River Trust n.d.). However, the pressures of modernity and state-led development projects, have led to neglect of these systems, which remain a highly sustainable and effective means of water management that are particularly valuable to agricultural communities in arid areas.
Moving from large-scale monoculture farming promoted by multinational corporations to agroecology, which emphasizes polyculture, the cultivation of diverse crops, and pest control, can contribute significantly to food security and ecological sustainability in the region (Vikas and Ranjan 2024). These practices help restore the environment and encourage small-scale farmers to produce more sustainable and eco-friendly products that are better aligned with local ecosystems and their biodiversity. If widely adopted by communities, such agricultural methods could challenge the dominance of large-scale monoculture farming that benefits primarily multinational corporations.
Although international assistance often contains neocolonial patterns of exploitation and patronization, disguised as development aid or environmental partnerships, that devalue local voices, needs, and knowledge (Onyekachi 2020), it does not have to be entirely excluded from a decolonial response. International assistance that truly dismantles neocolonial barriers to environmental justice should be grounded in principles of equity, respect for sovereignty, and the prioritization of local well-being. Only in this case can international aid be transformed into genuine international solidarity, serving as a valuable component in addressing the region’s environmental challenges and an important part of a broader decolonial solution.
The international organizations can assist in the dissemination of ecological knowledge and practices across the South Caucasus, however, those have to respect and include local expertise and voices. For instance, international environmental NGOs could support the creation of platforms where local knowledge systems are recognized as a valuable complement to scientific knowledge, creating a space for the exchange of ideas and practices that strengthen both environmental and social resilience (Berkes 2017). Furthermore, international organizations can raise awareness and advocate for policies that reduce the exploitation of South Caucasus resources by multinational corporations and foreign powers, placing the rights and needs of local populations at the forefront, where they can enjoy equally distributed economic wealth generated from natural resources with minimized environmental impact (Bansard and Schröder 2021).
The current situation in the South Caucasus, in terms of foreign exploitation and interference, requires an epistemic and practical shift that embraces local knowledge systems and recognizes the agency of marginalized communities in shaping environmental policies. The decolonial approach can help the region liberate itself from oppressive and exploitative neocolonialism while creating a more equitable and ecologically resilient future.
Concluding Remarks
The analysis of the environmental justice-decolonial theory nexus in the South Caucasus reveals that the region's environmental challenges cannot be fully understood or addressed without considering the consequences and realities of neocolonial exploitation. Existing studies on environmental issues in the South Caucasus often exclude foreign influence and interference as a form of neocolonial exploitation of the region's rich natural resources. Most post-Soviet analyses of ecological degradation in the region typically focus on government responsibilities and faults, as well as broader climate change explanations for environmental crises. However, a closer inspection of natural resource extraction in the three countries and the scope of foreign interference raises awareness about the causality between neocolonial behavior and environmental injustice, particularly evident in the region's extraction of natural resources.
Adopting a multi-dimensional approach that integrates environmental protection with social justice and decolonization provides a better holistic framework that acknowledges colonialism's historical and contemporary impacts while helping to create lasting solutions for the South Caucasus countries. This approach involves local communities in decision-making processes, appreciates their knowledge and needs, strengthens states' political sovereignty, especially in terms of control over the extraction of their natural resources, and fosters fair-based international cooperation.
Future research on environmental justice in the South Caucasus should focus on understanding the implications of implementing decolonial policies in the region. The decolonial approach to resolving, or at least alleviating, the consequences of environmental injustice should include examining the role of local activism in advocating for environmental protection, which could uplift marginalized communities and become a driving force for change across the region. Additionally, investigating the nature and aims of international assistance in ecological regional projects should also attract the attention of researchers and provide a foundation for advocating for international cooperation that respects local communities, supports local governance, and promotes sustainable development. These research avenues will be important in shaping a future where the South Caucasus is not only free from the oppressive and destructive forces of neocolonialism but also serves as a model for environmental sustainability and social equity.
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